The Hard Part Comes After the Election

Affordability, Accountability, and the Limits of Cooperation

The 2026 Election, Part Two

The voters have spoken. Democrats will control both houses of Congress next year, and Americans have made their priorities clear. They want relief from rising costs, stronger checks on presidential power, and a government that follows its own laws.

Now the hard work begins. Congress needs to follow through.

In Part One, I looked at polls showing Americans care more about affordability than accountability. That makes sense. If you’re worried about paying the mortgage or buying groceries, a congressional investigation probably doesn’t help much.

But accountability is important, too. To stop future abuses of power, Congress should look at what happened, find out who was responsible, and fix the safeguards that didn’t work.

That will require cooperation between Democrats and Republicans. Unfortunately, cooperation may be in rather short supply.

A Majority Isn’t a Magic Wand

Democrats have strong majorities in both chambers, so they control the agenda, committees, and investigations. Still, most bills need 60 votes to get past a Senate filibuster. President Trump can also veto bills, and it takes a two-thirds vote in both chambers to override him.

So Republicans will continue to have considerable influence over what becomes law.

And House Republicans have just elected Jim Jordan as their new minority leader.

Jordan, who helped start the House Freedom Caucus and longtime Trump ally, defeated Steve Scalise 106–73. His record includes years of confrontational investigations and political fights. While running for minority leader, Jordan talked about his experience pushing back against Democratic oversight and getting Republicans ready to challenge investigations into the Trump administration.

He has promised to fight for American families. That’s encouraging, although his political career suggests that finding common ground with Democrats may require an unusually generous definition of cooperation.

Still, 73 Republicans wanted Scalise, and Senate Republican leader John Thune has said he’s open to working with Democrats on some issues. Republicans have also worked with Democrats on things like prescription drug costs and war powers.

So, cooperation can happen. But whether it becomes normal is another question.

Where Cooperation Matters

Americans expect their elected officials to address affordability, and both parties have acknowledged the problem. Health care costs, prescription drugs, federal spending, and trade policy deserve serious attention.

Congress has chances to take action. Some steps will need tough compromises, but that’s part of governing. Democrats can’t expect Republicans to back every idea, and Republicans should offer real alternatives when they disagree.

There’s also the question of presidential power.

Congress has a constitutional duty to oversee the executive branch, including how federal officials exercise their authority and spend taxpayer money. That responsibility continues regardless of which party controls the White House.

Committees can investigate, hold hearings, demand records, and issue subpoenas. Congress can also pursue contempt proceedings, use its spending authority, and initiate impeachment when the evidence warrants it.

Congress can use some of these powers without Republican support. Others run into big legal, procedural, or political roadblocks.

But the bigger challenge is more than just looking at individual actions. Congress needs to understand how existing safeguards failed and what changes could stop future abuses.

We’ve Been Here Before

American history offers some uncomfortable lessons about reconciliation.

After the Civil War, Reconstruction briefly expanded political rights and federal protections. But the federal government’s retreat from enforcing those protections helped permit decades of racial discrimination and political exclusion.

A century later, Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon after Watergate, hoping to help the country move forward. Congress enacted important reforms, but the debate over presidential power and accountability never disappeared.

These were different times with different situations. Both show that rebuilding public trust takes more than just saying a tough period is over.

Reconciliation has value. So does an honest account of what happened and who bears responsibility.

Otherwise, we risk establishing a rather attractive arrangement for public officials: exercise questionable authority, resist scrutiny, and eventually invite everyone to put the unpleasantness behind them.

I’m sure that would be popular in Washington.

Accountability Has to Mean Something

The incoming Congress faces an opportunity to examine how executive authority has been used, whether public resources have been misused, and where constitutional safeguards have proved inadequate.

These investigations need to follow the evidence. Claims need proof, and officials should get fair treatment. Accountability also means telling the difference between poor judgment, misconduct, and actual crimes.

The results should lead to reforms that make congressional oversight stronger, protect independent investigations, and make it harder for future presidents to get around legal limits on their power.

Republicans have an interest in those protections, too. The rules governing presidential authority will apply long after Donald Trump leaves office. Any limits Congress establishes should apply equally to future Democratic and Republican presidents.

That’s where cooperation could produce something lasting.

And that’s when political courage matters most. It’s easier to support limits on presidential power when the other party is in charge.

Is Congress Up to the Task?

I agree with Beutler and Sargent that Democrats must take accountability seriously. I also believe the election showed that Americans expect immediate attention to affordability. Both responsibilities deserve a place on Congress’s agenda.

The tougher job will be facing misconduct, learning from failures, and creating safeguards that last beyond the next election.

Republicans will need to decide if they’ll take part in that work. Democrats will have to show that their investigations serve legitimate public purposes and produce meaningful results. 

 But the country has already paid a considerable price for political leaders who put party loyalty before their constitutional duties.

Now the question is whether Congress has learned anything from the experience.

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