The Ballot-Box Bureaucrat: Why Electing Hillsborough’s Superintendent Is Bad for Business and Worse for Classrooms

This entry is in the series Education
This entry is in the series Florida Amendments and Referenda-2026
This entry is in the series 2026 Elections

Imagine Tampa General Hospital announcing that it will now select its President and CEO through a countywide partisan primary. Picture candidates debating surgical protocols on debate stages, taking a full year off to solicit campaign checks from medical supply reps, and catering to partisan party bosses instead of patient care. No board of trustees would tolerate it, and no major health system would survive it. Yet that is the exact circus Tallahassee politicians want to bring to Hillsborough County Public Schools, the single largest employer in our community.

Proponents dress up the proposal in the language of parental rights and democratic empowerment. But under the current model, the superintendent answers to an elected, seven-member School Board every single day. If the superintendent mishandles district finances, botches bus routes, or mismanages schools, the board can act immediately. Under an elected system, that daily accountability vanishes. The School Board loses its supervisory power, leaving a single partisan politician in charge of a $4 billion budget and 220,000 students, answerable to voters only once every four years.

An even bigger problem is the smaller pool of candidates. Instead of searching the country for experienced school leaders, we would be limited to local registered voters. The best-performing states treat school administration as a professional job, while the only two states that still elect superintendents are not among the top performers.

Injecting culture-war primaries and campaign fundraising into our school system’s executive suite is a disaster waiting to happen. Read the full analysis on why turning school administration into a political prize hurts our students, undermines teachers, and destabilizes our local schools.

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The Free Lunch Mirage: How Florida Amendment 3 Squeezes Renters and Municipalities

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections
This entry is in the series Florida Amendments and Referenda-2026

Every politician knows that promising a giant tax cut is an easy way to win an applause line. Florida Amendment 3 dangles that exact bait, promising homeowners an expanded homestead exemption and tighter assessment caps. It sounds like an effortless win until you calculate what actually pays for the fire rescue station down the street.

State analysts project this measure will strip over $8 billion from local budgets across Florida in a single year. That is not trimming bureaucratic fat; it is a fiscal sledgehammer aimed directly at 911 dispatchers, sheriff’s deputies, paramedics, and neighborhood road repairs. When both the Florida Sheriffs Association and statewide firefighter unions sound the alarm, voters need to look past the political marketing.

Because essential emergency services cannot simply be shut down, local communities will be forced to raise utility fees and regressive sales taxes to survive. That leaves working families, retirees on fixed incomes, and renters footing the bill for a tax break they will never see. Read the full analysis on why defunding your local first responders is too high a price to pay for a campaign slogan.

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Corporate Welfare in Overalls: The Rural Shell Game of Florida Amendment 2

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections
This entry is in the series Florida Amendments and Referenda-2026

The television commercials for Florida Amendment 2 are almost entirely self-written. All you have to do is play the acoustic guitar, show the video of a dusty tractor, and then tell the heartwarming tale of a fourth-generation family farmer who is struggling. Although the story is touching, the sentimental presentation covers up a costly performance by the corporation.

Florida businesses currently have a standard exemption of $25,000 for tangible personal property, which covers a significant portion of the equipment needed by genuine small-scale growers. The main benefit of Amendment 2, however, goes to industrial agribusiness syndicates, huge commercial packing houses, and luxury agritourism event venues that operate fleets of machinery costing six figures.

When Tallahassee eliminates equipment taxes on commercial agricultural land, those multi-ton transport trucks do not stop chewing up county roads. The bill simply shifts. County commissions are left to either gut local services or force residential homeowners to make up the difference. Read the full breakdown of how Amendment 2 puts corporate welfare in overalls and leaves local taxpayers holding the tab.

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Rainy Days and Blue Tarps: Why Hoarding Billions in Tallahassee Won’t Protect Hillsborough

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections
This entry is in the series Florida Amendments and Referenda-2026

Tallahassee politicians often present Florida Amendment 1 as basic common sense. After all, who would argue with saving for a rainy day? But there’s a big difference between keeping an umbrella handy and locking away billions while your ceiling is falling in.

If you drive through Hillsborough County, you’ll see blue tarps still on roofs from storms years ago. Homeowners are struggling with high insurance costs, classrooms have broken air conditioners, and stormwater ditches need repairs. Yet Amendment 1 would require up to $750 million a year to be set aside in Tallahassee until the fund reaches 25 percent of general revenue.

Florida already has a fully funded emergency reserve at 10 percent. Forcing billions more into storage isn’t smart budgeting; it’s a way to cut local spending now so politicians can brag about a big balance later. Read the full essay to see why we should fix our roofs before Tallahassee builds another vault.

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Brittany Lyssy’s School-Board Training Network Deserves a Closer Look

This entry is in the series Education
This entry is in the series 2026 Elections

Brittany Lyssy cites her work with the Leadership Institute’s School Board Leaders Program as part of her education-policy experience. A closer look at that program shows a national conservative network built around recruiting, training, and supporting school-board candidates, with direct connections to Moms for Liberty and to policy resources from Hillsdale College and the Heritage Foundation.

One connection deserves particular attention. Bridget Ziegler, an early figure in Moms for Liberty, served in leadership of the same Leadership Institute school-board program where Lyssy worked on communications, policy analysis, ethics, and governance. Public records do not show that Lyssy belonged to Moms for Liberty or adopted every position promoted within that network, but the institutional ties are clear enough to warrant scrutiny.

The larger question is what parts of that philosophy Lyssy would bring to Hillsborough. The full article follows the connections among the Leadership Institute, Moms for Liberty, Hillsdale, Ziegler, and Lyssy’s own policy background, then asks what voters should examine before deciding how much those ties matter.

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Josie Tomkow Discovers Homeowner Rights

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections

Josie Tomkow says she wants to create a Homeowner Claims Bill of Rights and make sure insurance claims are fully paid. This sounds reassuring, especially in a state where rising premiums and storm losses have made things tough for homeowners. There is just one awkward detail: Florida already has a Homeowner Claims Bill of Rights. Even more, Tomkow spent years voting for laws that made it harder and more expensive for policyholders to challenge insurers when claims were denied or underpaid.

Campaign records also show ongoing support for Tomkow from insurance companies, industry groups, civil-justice organizations, and a former Florida Insurance Commissioner who now works in insurance advisory.

So is this a real change of heart, or just a shift for campaign season? Her voting record, contribution history, and new promises make it worth taking a closer look.

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Whose Voice in the Committee Room? Michael Owen, Insurance Cash, and the Squeeze on District 70

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections

Michael Owen sits where Florida’s property insurance laws are shaped: the House Insurance & Banking Subcommittee. His campaign finance reports also show substantial support from insurance companies, insurance political committees, agents’ groups, and lobbyists. The article examines that money alongside the choices he has made in office.

Owen has shown no shortage of legislative ambition when Hillsborough County government is involved. He sponsored HB 4027, which puts an elected school superintendent before Hillsborough voters, and HB 4029, which would substantially restructure the County Commission. Both measures passed the Legislature and require local voter approval.

That leaves a harder question. With homeowners still confronting steep insurance bills, what has Owen used his seat on Insurance & Banking to do for them? The campaign money does not answer that question by itself, but it makes his legislative record worth examining closely.

This article follows the money, looks at where Owen has chosen to spend his political capital, and asks what those priorities tell District 70 voters about whose concerns are getting attention in Tallahassee.

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Wisdom: Whittling Away at Uncertainty

This entry is in the series The Stoic Virtues
This entry is in the series Journey Through Stoicism

How do we know when we are wise?

I have been thinking about that question because wisdom may be the hardest Stoic virtue to define. Courage, justice, and temperance all give us something concrete to work with. Wisdom feels different. We rarely have all the information we want, yet life still requires us to decide, act, adjust, and sometimes admit we were wrong.

In Whittling Away at Uncertainty, I look at some decisions I would make differently today, a new job I am about to begin, and what experience has taught me about research, judgment, and knowing when enough information is enough. Wisdom may not be about certainty. It could be learning how to make the best decision we can, then having the courage to begin.

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Josie Tomkow, Insurance Reform, and a Trail Worth Following

This entry is in the series 2026 Elections

Florida homeowners have heard “insurance reform” so often that the phrase almost deserves its own ZIP code. But behind that label were years of very real changes to what happens when an insurance company denies or underpays a claim and a homeowner has to fight back.

Josie Tomkow voted yes, again and again, as Florida changed the rules around lawsuits, attorney fees, assignment-of-benefits claims, and insurer liability. Those laws may sound technical, but their effect can be painfully simple: even when policyholders have a valid dispute, taking an insurer to court can now carry more financial risk.

Then there is the campaign money. Tomkow’s contribution records show recurring support from insurers, insurance-industry organizations, civil-justice reform groups, and people tied directly to Florida’s insurance-policy world, including former Insurance Commissioner David Altmaier. This cycle alone, at least $2,500 has come from three interests closely connected to this issue.

No, campaign contributions do not come with thank-you notes for specific votes. But voters are entitled to look at the money, look at the voting record, and decide for themselves whether the two tell a story worth following.

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Let’s Run A Real Education Experiment

This entry is in the series Education

Florida spends about $9,335 per public-school student through its main funding formula. Average private-school tuition is about $13,800. So before we decide private schools produce better results, there is a question worth testing: what would happen if public schools had comparable resources?

The comparison gets more complicated because public and private schools often operate under different rules. Public schools serve students with widely different needs, provide transportation and specialized services, and operate under statewide testing and accountability requirements. Private schools receiving voucher money have different admissions, staffing, testing, and service obligations.

Research does not provide a simple answer that one system always produces better outcomes. Some private-school and voucher programs show gains, others show little difference, and some have produced worse academic results. Once researchers account for differences in family income, parental education, previous achievement, and other factors, much of the apparent private-school advantage can shrink.

So the essay proposes a thought experiment: fund public schools at something close to average private-school tuition while keeping their public obligations intact, or run the test in reverse by asking voucher schools to educate students for the voucher amount under comparable standards. Maybe the real difference is not public versus private education. Maybe it is what happens when one kind of school is simply better funded.

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Some Things Should Not Be Run for Profit

This entry is in the series Education

What if the biggest mistake in Florida’s education debate is assuming schools should work like ordinary businesses?

Markets reward efficiency, control costs, and give consumers choices. Public education has a different job. It has to serve every child, including the student who needs far more support, the student who needs advanced opportunities, and the student whose family could never afford to buy those services on its own.

That is why I think the debate over vouchers and school choice has to go deeper than whether competition can improve some outcomes. The real question is whether K-12 education should be organized around market incentives at all.

In this essay, I look at what happens when we confuse efficiency with public duty, and why some things may work better when the goal is not profit, but making sure everyone is served.

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